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Thursday, February 25, 2010

PostHeaderIcon Iquib and Idir: Socio-Economic Traditions of the Ethiopians

 


 









Iquib and Idir: Socio-Economic Traditions of the Ethiopians 






by Professor Ayele Bekerie, PhD (Africana Studies and Research Center, Cornell University)


Internet Links:



Africana Studies and Research Center


 


The Paradox of Africa's Poverty: The Role of Indigenous Knowledge, Traditional Practices and Local Institutions


Among the most enduring, universal, effective, and relevant socio-economic informal institutions Ethiopians have created are Iquib and Idir. Iquib is an association established by a small group of people in order to provide substantial rotating funding for members in order to improve their lives and living conditions, while Idir is an association established among neighbors or workers to raise funds that will be used during emergencies, such as death within these groups and their families. Iquib and Idir can be characterized as traditional financial associations. While Idir is a longterm association, Iquib can be temporary or permanent, depending on the needs of the members.


These two socio-economic traditions are informal, bottom-up, and widely practiced among Ethiopians. It can also be argued that they are national phenomena that are embraced by Ethiopians across linguistic, religious, or ethnic backgrounds. Idir, in fact, is becoming a critical source of social stability at a time when deaths from HIV/AIDS or other illnesses are increasing at an alarming rate. Thanks to Idir, the victims of HIV/AIDS are at least guaranteed respectful burial and their loved ones are given moral and some material support to overcome their loss. These dynamic, people-oriented associations are often either ignored or not given proper attention by the state or the educated elite with regard to social or economic development. In fact, it is because of such traditional associations that our society remains stable and cohesive. Iquib and Idir serve the needs of the society in a sustainable way and they are based on available human or material resources.


For instance, Iquib enables a family, particularly a poor family, to obtain the necessary funding for activities such as weddings, building a house, or starting a micro-business. As Mamo Tirfe puts it, the rotating fund is a means, particularly for poor people, to make investments that they would normally never consider making due to lack of money. Iquib is more flexible and accessible than banks and requires minimal paper work. As a result, people without formal education are not discouraged to join. Moreover, for a small payment each week or month, members of Iquib can keep a steady influx of money to help any member of the group on a rotational basis.


Idir, which Mamo characterizes as group life insurance, usually has a large membership and the weekly or monthly membership is minimal and affordable by all. Idir guarantees grieving families, for instance, the complete assistance (financial or otherwise) they seek in times of emergency. Idir members are required to attend funerals and must always be ready to help. Idir can be established by a community or village, at the work place, or among friends and family.


These remarkable associations are based on local knowledge and practices and ought to be taken into consideration by Ethiopia-centered development plans or activities. One of the steps in an authentic approach to development, if I may use Messay Kebede�s phrase, is to recognize the work people have already performed in their own name, using indigenous knowledge and traditional practices, such as Iquib and Idir. According to Mamo Tirfe, these associations are based on participatory principles; as a result they tend to �promote accountability, transparency, tolerance and dialogue.� In addition, they tend to foster friendship among members. The strong ties established among Iquib members also discourage defaults.


While these two community-based funding efforts are popular in Ethiopia, in Philadelphia, the Ethiopians, given their numbers and the trans-cultural realities, modified them into Iquib and Idir combined into one, which I like to call IquibinaIdir. The functions of the institutions are lumped together to create a new system. I am sure that we find similar associations in communities throughout the Ethiopian Diaspora. I have looked at three cases from Philadelphia, where I worked with the Greater Philadelphia Ethiopian Community.


In the first case, 10 males and females formed IquibinaIdir in Philadelphia by contributing $200 towards Iquib and $35 towards Idir per month. While the Iquib money circulates among members monthly, the Idir money is used only during emergencies. Within a 10-month period, each member will collect $2,000. In the second case, 12 males and females call their IqubinaIdir �100 Club.� These club members make a contribution of $100 for Iquib and $10 for Idir. Each member will collect $1200 by taking turns within a 1-year period. The Idir contribution is much smaller than in the first case, but its purpose is the same. In the third case, 11 women formed an IqubinaIdir group by contributing $55 monthly. Here the $50 is for Iquib and $5 goes to Idir. It is interesting that the amount collected among the women is much less than in the first two cases, where the groups were made up of both men and women.


These informal associations guarantee that everyone is taken care of in times of need through participatory and enabling means. In times of death, the community is kept intact and the grieving family instantly gets financial and social support. Iquib and Idir are remarkable examples to show that poverty does not define a person or a society. Economically disadvantaged societies are able to use traditional practices and knowledge to sustain themselves.


Imagine if the estimated 300,000 to 500,000 Ethiopian Diaspora form Idir or Iquib. It would then be possible to fulfill the wishes of those who want to be buried at home by readily covering all the necessary expenses. It also frees the loved ones from huge financial burdens they may incur as a result of such an emergency. Idir and Iquib are remarkable legacies from our ancestors and we should learn and benefit from them.


(For an excellent treatment of Idir and Iquib or other Ethiopian traditional practices, please see Mamo Tirfe�s (1999) The Paradox of Africa�s Poverty: The Role of Indigenous Knowledge, Traditional Practices and Local Institutions. Lawrenceville, NJ: The Red Sea Press.)



PostHeaderIcon Ethiopia's Relationship to the Pan-African Movement (Part II)

Ethiopia's Relationship to the Pan-African Movement (Part II) 





by Lindsey Herbert

 


Success of Repatriation to Shashamane 


Repatriation has yielded both positive and negative experiences for Rastafarians. On one hand, the Rastafarians were welcomed by the Ethiopian government because Haile Selassie I understood the urgency of returning Black people to Africa and freeing them from the bondage of the colonial powers who had enslaved them. Yet, having government, even royal approval, did not automatically mean that repatriation had the support of the majority of the local people, nor did it mean that those who did repatriate would be united and live in harmony. There have been both internal and external factors that have impacted the situation in Shashamane.


External Factors 

When people first settled in Shashamane, there was a disjunction between their expectations and the response of the local people to the settlers. This is still a source of tension today. Local Ethiopians often do not regard the Rastas as true Ethiopians, leaving Rastafarians with the feeling that they are not accepted or treated as brothers and sisters. In a New York Times article, this issue was observed by a visitor reporting on the situation:


Like most Rastafarians, Mr. Isles, a carpenter, saw himself as Ethiopian and was angry that the locals did not. �They call me faranji,� he said, using the Ethiopians� term for foreigners. �The people don�t treat us well. We give them work, but they still rob us. I have to have a guard at my house. If I don�t they would come and steal from me. B.J. Moody, 65, a Rastafarian elder who has lived here since 1980, tried to soften Mr. Isle s words. �All of us are experiencing some sort of cruelty, some unbrotherly actions by our Ethiopian brothers,� said Mr. Moody, a tiny man with the gentlest of voices. �But we are determined to bring them to a higher state of consciousness.�


The consciousness that the elder was referring to is the consciousness of the Pan-African movement, which expresses an urgency to unify Africans on the continent and abroad in order to strengthen Africans as a people as well as their economic and political infrastructure. Unification and resistance to colonialism and neo-colonial practices in the New World is a common goal and struggle for Pan-Africans who want to preserve Africa and her people.


Internal Factors 

The Rastafarians who have settled have noted some difficulties after settling, due to the divisions among Rastafari. There are differences in ideology among the Rastafari that is visible through the various sectors of Rastafari such as The Twelve Tribes, The Bobo, Nyabingi, Ethiopian Orthodox and others. Although they maintain a community and have positive interactions and goals, there is still some internal strife and divisions that people experience when they move to Shashamane.


Present Day 

In the 1970s there was a reclamation of land by the Ethiopian government. With the rise of the Marxist regime, which overthrew the Emperor in 1974, the majority of the land was taken from the E.W.F., impacting the fate of Rastafarians. They originally had 500 hectares, but were left between 11 to 44 after the coup. This was a great setback to the settlers and the future settlers in Shashamane. It not only physically extracted the resources that they were granted by the Emperor, but it emotionally and mentally impacted the movement. However, it has never destroyed the Rastafarian hope of repatriation.


Repatriation is still a priority for many Rastafarians. The E.W.F. is active in recruiting members to support the development of Shashamane and repatriation. The E.W.F. is an organization that supports Ethiopia, promotes repatriation, prepares people for repatriation, and seeks support for the land. The E.W.F. prepares people for what they will experience in Shashamane and works to assist people in achieving the goal of repatriation while building alliances between those living in Shashamane and those in the West. Since many Africans remain impoverished in the West, getting to Africa is not an easy task, or an easy step to take. Some people see the idea of repatriation symbolically, and the more realistic view for those who do not have the resources or support for leaving the West is evident in the following quote:


I know that many people, today, are still exploring and hoping to achieve repatriation to Africa. But, I believe that, on many levels, the whole discussion of repatriation needs to be rethought. Africa is not simply the landmass that is called Africa. Africa is wherever the African is. Wherever the African people are, thereis Africa... So, there is a movement occurring, but it is not occurring under the umbrella of the traditional notion of repatriation. It is as if Africa is expanding.


There is an expansion of the African world - musically, spiritually, culturally, politically, and it is no longer driven by the idea that the exiles from the West will return to Africa.


Future 

The Rastafarians in Shashamane are working toward the completion of many projects including organic agriculture, electrical installation, a welding and wrought iron unit, and a building project. Other endeavors such as education, art and craft making, music, and religious celebration and practice remain part of daily life and culture in Shashamane. The overall sentiment from the people living there now, and the representatives that recruit for the E.W.F. is that there is a lot of hope, and that Rastafarians can succeed if people with practical skills, a �clean livity� and a good heart forward �home� to Shashamane. The Rastafarian children are seen as the future, and they are being trained and educated under the Rastafarian teachings and the culture of Ethiopia. With their strength and endurance the next generation may prosper and share their blessings with the people of Ethiopia. Only time will tell. And truly, if they had been mindful of that country from whence they came out, they might have had opportunity to have returned (Hebrews 11:15).


TIMELINE OF INFLUENCES ON RASTAFARI AND SHASHAMANE



1896 - Battle of Adwa - Ethiopia proves victorious in resisting colonial rule.


1920s - Marcus Garvey becomes a significant figure in Jamaica and America, promoting repatriation, and glorifying the history and future of Africa.


1930s -The Jamaican people begin to feel the pressure of an economically and politically oppressive government.


 


1930 - Emperor Haile Selassie I (Ras Tafari) was crowned King of Kings, Lord of Lords, Conquering Lion of the Tribe of Judah, in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.

 


1933-1940 - Leonard P. Howell promotes Rastafari ideology, creating momentum in the Rastafari movement

 


1955 - Emperor Haile Selassie I grants 500 hectares of land to the Ethiopian World Federation (E.W.F.).



 


1966 - The Emperor visits Jamaica, increasing the popularity and expansion of the Rastafari movement, which further influenced people outside of Jamaica in the African Diaspora

 


1974 - A reclamation of land by Mengistu�s government (from 500 hectares approximately 44)

 


Lindsey Herbert holds a master�s degree in Afro-American Studies from UCLA. She is currently a Student Affairs Officer at the African-American Studies Department at the University of California in Berkeley.



Success of Repatriation to Shashamane 

Repatriation has yielded both positive and negative experiences for Rastafarians. On one hand, the Rastafarians were welcomed by the Ethiopian government because Haile Selassie I understood the urgency of returning Black people to Africa and freeing them from the bondage of the colonial powers who had enslaved them. Yet, having government, even royal approval, did not automatically mean that repatriation had the support of the majority of the local people, nor did it mean that those who did repatriate would be united and live in harmony. There have been both internal and external factors that have impacted the situation in Shashamane.


External Factors 

When people first settled in Shashamane, there was a disjunction between their expectations and the response of the local people to the settlers. This is still a source of tension today. Local Ethiopians often do not regard the Rastas as true Ethiopians, leaving Rastafarians with the feeling that they are not accepted or treated as brothers and sisters. In a New York Times article, this issue was observed by a visitor reporting on the situation:


Like most Rastafarians, Mr. Isles, a carpenter, saw himself as Ethiopian and was angry that the locals did not. �They call me faranji,� he said, using the Ethiopians� term for foreigners. �The people don�t treat us well. We give them work, but they still rob us. I have to have a guard at my house. If I don�t they would come and steal from me. B.J. Moody, 65, a Rastafarian elder who has lived here since 1980, tried to soften Mr. Isle s words. �All of us are experiencing some sort of cruelty, some unbrotherly actions by our Ethiopian brothers,� said Mr. Moody, a tiny man with the gentlest of voices. �But we are determined to bring them to a higher state of consciousness.�


The consciousness that the elder was referring to is the consciousness of the Pan-African movement, which expresses an urgency to unify Africans on the continent and abroad in order to strengthen Africans as a people as well as their economic and political infrastructure. Unification and resistance to colonialism and neo-colonial practices in the New World is a common goal and struggle for Pan-Africans who want to preserve Africa and her people.


Internal Factors 

The Rastafarians who have settled have noted some difficulties after settling, due to the divisions among Rastafari. There are differences in ideology among the Rastafari that is visible through the various sectors of Rastafari such as The Twelve Tribes, The Bobo, Nyabingi, Ethiopian Orthodox and others. Although they maintain a community and have positive interactions and goals, there is still some internal strife and divisions that people experience when they move to Shashamane.


Present Day 

In the 1970s there was a reclamation of land by the Ethiopian government. With the rise of the Marxist regime, which overthrew the Emperor in 1974, the majority of the land was taken from the E.W.F., impacting the fate of Rastafarians. They originally had 500 hectares, but were left between 11 to 44 after the coup. This was a great setback to the settlers and the future settlers in Shashamane. It not only physically extracted the resources that they were granted by the Emperor, but it emotionally and mentally impacted the movement. However, it has never destroyed the Rastafarian hope of repatriation.


Repatriation is still a priority for many Rastafarians. The E.W.F. is active in recruiting members to support the development of Shashamane and repatriation. The E.W.F. is an organization that supports Ethiopia, promotes repatriation, prepares people for repatriation, and seeks support for the land. The E.W.F. prepares people for what they will experience in Shashamane and works to assist people in achieving the goal of repatriation while building alliances between those living in Shashamane and those in the West. Since many Africans remain impoverished in the West, getting to Africa is not an easy task, or an easy step to take. Some people see the idea of repatriation symbolically, and the more realistic view for those who do not have the resources or support for leaving the West is evident in the following quote:


I know that many people, today, are still exploring and hoping to achieve repatriation to Africa. But, I believe that, on many levels, the whole discussion of repatriation needs to be rethought. Africa is not simply the landmass that is called Africa. Africa is wherever the African is. Wherever the African people are, thereis Africa... So, there is a movement occurring, but it is not occurring under the umbrella of the traditional notion of repatriation. It is as if Africa is expanding.


There is an expansion of the African world - musically, spiritually, culturally, politically, and it is no longer driven by the idea that the exiles from the West will return to Africa.


Future 

The Rastafarians in Shashamane are working toward the completion of many projects including organic agriculture, electrical installation, a welding and wrought iron unit, and a building project. Other endeavors such as education, art and craft making, music, and religious celebration and practice remain part of daily life and culture in Shashamane. The overall sentiment from the people living there now, and the representatives that recruit for the E.W.F. is that there is a lot of hope, and that Rastafarians can succeed if people with practical skills, a �clean livity� and a good heart forward �home� to Shashamane. The Rastafarian children are seen as the future, and they are being trained and educated under the Rastafarian teachings and the culture of Ethiopia. With their strength and endurance the next generation may prosper and share their blessings with the people of Ethiopia. Only time will tell. And truly, if they had been mindful of that country from whence they came out, they might have had opportunity to have returned (Hebrews 11:15).


TIMELINE OF INFLUENCES ON RASTAFARI AND SHASHAMANE



1896 - Battle of Adwa - Ethiopia proves victorious in resisting colonial rule.


1920s - Marcus Garvey becomes a significant figure in Jamaica and America, promoting repatriation, and glorifying the history and future of Africa.


1930s -The Jamaican people begin to feel the pressure of an economically and politically oppressive government.


 


1930 - Emperor Haile Selassie I (Ras Tafari) was crowned King of Kings, Lord of Lords, Conquering Lion of the Tribe of Judah, in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.

 


1933-1940 - Leonard P. Howell promotes Rastafari ideology, creating momentum in the Rastafari movement


 


1955 - Emperor Haile Selassie I grants 500 hectares of land to the Ethiopian World Federation (E.W.F.).



 


1966 - The Emperor visits Jamaica, increasing the popularity and expansion of the Rastafari movement, which further influenced people outside of Jamaica in the African Diaspora

 


1974 - A reclamation of land by Mengistu�s government (from 500 hectares approximately 44)


 


Lindsey Herbert holds a master�s degree in Afro-American Studies from UCLA. She is currently a Student Affairs Officer at the African-American Studies Department at the University of California in Berkeley.

Tuesday, February 23, 2010

PostHeaderIcon Rasta Stands for Universal Love

 






Rasta Stands for Universal Love


Rasta has firmly established itself as a fierce opponent of colonialism by seeking to overturn the vicious legacy left by the European colonialists. Colonialism has had a grave impact on the psyche of today's generation; it is a legacy of brutality, discrimination, corruption and a relentless pursuit of material possessions. Rasta has sought to overcome this legacy by standing for and upholding the principles of Maat, which is truth, justice, righteousness and balance.



Rasta stands for universal love, a higher spiritual ideal that is not usually emphasized in the mainstream of Western society. To be a Rasta is to be a righteous person, continuously seeking to improve SELF. This process of self discovery is further clarified by the words of a St Lucian Rasta who said "The word Rasta as I understand it means purely, the power that lies within any man which enables him to do anything he wants... To be a Rasta therefore is to be conscious of that divine power, and to be developing one's power potential for achievement... Rasta becomes therefore a philosophy of life fulfillment".



Rasta does not seek to conform to the norms of this society, which are steeped in racism, sexism, neo colonialism and injustice. The norm of this society is the relentless pursuit of carnal gratification and one doesn't have to look hard to see where all this alcohol, sacredless sex, and materialistic living is taking us. It is taking our people down a wide road of great karmic consequences. Salvation cannot be found in worldly material possessions, but rather by experiences of divine proportions.



There is a misconception that Rastas are against technology and material things. Nothing could be further from the truth and this attempt to misconstrue what Rasta is about is often as deliberate as it is damaging. What Rastas are against is the misuse of technology and the overemphasis on material possessions, which in fact has caused great decadence of modern society.





 


Rasta Speaks Reasonings

 

 

PostHeaderIcon Rasta

 








 


Rasta


Rasta from the ancient point of view is a state of consciousness. When our ancestors said they wished to enter the house of Rasta, they were speaking in relation to that exalted spiritual state where one attains wisdom.



The "House of Rasta" is the entrance to the duat, the 'underworld journey' of initiation. It is the crossroads. Ones must understand with clarity the extent of their power to choose. In the House of Rasta they find their guide, most often portrayed as Anubis. It is not possible to proceed without help. This is an idea many do not like. So they stay spinning at the crossroads for a long, long time. It is a place of darkness, and the loss of everything comforting and familiar. One must be willing to be stripped. Only then will they hear the voice coming out of the darkness to lead them on.








The word Rasta in relation to dreadlocks is derived from the natural way people lived, especially in ancient times when they deliberately returned to the forest to recapture the laws of nature. In so doing they were isolated and without grooming so the dreadlocks developed naturally. This is quite similar to when people get lost on some deserted island and are forced to survive on their own. Sometimes these people learn to embrace nature and develop the natural skills to survive in the wild.



In some ancient texts, 'ras' meant wise, possibly coined from the Egyptian Ra and as such the word became annexed to leadership. In Amharic, the word 'Ras' means, 'head' as in leadership and Tafari - "he who inspires awe". Ras Tafari was the pre-coronation name of Haile Selassie (1892-1975), Emperor of Ethiopia. Upon his coronation, Ras Tafari styled himself Haile Selassie -- literally, "Might of the Trinity". 



It should not be difficult to grasp that 'Ras Tafari' means a wise person who inspires awe through the unique conscious insights which they bring to bear on all matters. 



In essence Rasta in its most ancient meaning is about developing oneself towards self-actualization, which is the only way to attain universal wisdom. 


 

PostHeaderIcon Rasta

Rasta from the ancient point of view is a state of consciousness. When our ancestors said they wished to enter the house of Rasta, they were speaking in relation to that exalted spiritual state where one attains wisdom.

The "House of Rasta" is the entrance to the duat, the 'underworld journey' of initiation. It is the crossroads. Ones must understand with clarity the extent of their power to choose. In the House of Rasta they find their guide, most often portrayed as Anubis. It is not possible to proceed without help. This is an idea many do not like. So they stay spinning at the crossroads for a long, long time. It is a place of darkness, and the loss of everything comforting and familiar. One must be willing to be stripped. Only then will they hear the voice coming out of the darkness to lead them on.
The word Rasta in relation to dreadlocks is derived from the natural way people lived, especially in ancient times when they deliberately returned to the forest to recapture the laws of nature. In so doing they were isolated and without grooming so the dreadlocks developed naturally. This is quite similar to when people get lost on some deserted island and are forced to survive on their own. Sometimes these people learn to embrace nature and develop the natural skills to survive in the wild.

In some ancient texts, 'ras' meant wise, possibly coined from the Egyptian Ra and as such the word became annexed to leadership. In Amharic, the word 'Ras' means, 'head' as in leadership and Tafari - "he who inspires awe". Ras Tafari was the pre-coronation name of Haile Selassie (1892-1975), Emperor of Ethiopia. Upon his coronation, Ras Tafari styled himself Haile Selassie -- literally, "Might of the Trinity".

It should not be difficult to grasp that 'Ras Tafari' means a wise person who inspires awe through the unique conscious insights which they bring to bear on all matters.

In essence Rasta in its most ancient meaning is about developing oneself towards self-actualization, which is the only way to attain universal wisdom.

PostHeaderIcon Meditation

Meditation is listening to your (inner higher) self

The highest form of meditation is doing your best. By doing, applying oneself fully to each activity that is engaged, persons quiet their senses, and open themselves to the flow from the universal essence. Messages and guidance from the unconscious mind can then filter down into the conscious mind.

Many of our earliest ancestors deep in central Africa understood the principle of meditation well. This is what they lived. Their understanding stemmed in part from their observations of natural law, and the application of that law in their everyday lives. Meditation was not something they set apart time for, they automatically did this as a natural part of their survival. They meditated in each action and behavior that was undertaken. Clearly they gained a lot of benefits by doing their utmost best in everything they engage. Persons nowadays can also benefit by doing likewise.

Honesty, integrity and moral conduct is something that needs to be constantly worked at, in chipping away the inevitable corruption.

PostHeaderIcon Ras Marcus Speaks On The Rasta Movement

 Ras Marcus Speaks







Ras Marcus Speaks on the Rasta Movement

Ras Tyehimba interviews Ras Marcus



Ras MarcusRas Marcus is a Jamaican-born, respected and outspoken Rasta elder of the Rasta Movement. He grew up with Emmanuel Charles Edward (Prince Emmanuel), founder of the Bobo Shanti sub-section of Rastafari which emerged in the 1950s, and Dr. Vernon Carrington (Prophet Gad), founder of the Twelve Tribes of Israel Rastafari Movement which emerged in 1968. Ras Marcus has made a tremendous contribution to the Rasta Movement over the years and still continues to do so as an elder. His internet writings on the movement have exposed readers to perspectives and first hand experiences that encourage a deeper understanding of the Rasta movement and its African essence. He is also well-known for his contributions to the Rastafari Elders and Liberation Feelings CDs which are classic compilations that mix chants, Nyabinghi drumming and reasonings on the Rasta Movement.



From the Liberation Feelings CD, Ras Marcus & The Sistas "Paying respect to our great Ancestors". 







On Thursday 31st May, 2007, Ras Tyehimba, on behalf of RastafariSpeaks.com, interviewed Ras Marcus who shared his perspective and experiences about the origins and evolution of the Rasta Movement.

Contine to: 'Ras Marcus Speaks on the Rasta Movement'



Africa for Africans at Home and AbroadChapters:

  1. Early Experiences

  2. Christianity and the Bible

  3. Rasta and Resistance

  4. The Evolution of the Movement

  5. African Liberation

  6. Elders and Reasoning

  7. The Long Road to Africa












Rastafari and Religion By Baba Ras Macus Rastafari and Religion

By Baba Ras Marcus



Be at peace with the Creator who ever you conceive him to be, for the Creator is in Ethiopia, but he is also in every single part of the earth, sea, and sky at the same time, he is in humanity and also in all living creatures at the same time, the Creator is everywhere, and there are no limits that can be placed on him or her geographically speaking.

Continue to: 'Rastafari and Religion'



 










 





I send many oceans of blessings and self-determination

to African people everywhere

ONE BLACK LOVE ONE BLACK HEART


Baba Ras Marcus

PostHeaderIcon Women Must Reads: We Are All Going Back To Our Roots.

 
























Rootswomen Raw and Exposed






























When God Was a Woman by Merlin Stone

When God Was a Woman by Merlin Stone
Sexing the Brain

Sexing the Brain 

by Lesley Rogers
The Real Eve: Modern Man's Journey Out of Africa by Stephen Oppenheimer

The Real Eve: Modern Man's Journey Out of Africa by Stephen Oppenheimer
Temple of the Cosmos: by Jeremy Naydler

Temple of the Cosmos:

by Jeremy Naydler
Woman's Encyclopedia of Myths and Secrets by Barbara G. Walker

Woman's Encyclopedia

of Myths and Secrets by B. G. Walker
Wise Women of the Dreamtime: Aboriginal Tales of the Ancestral Powers by K. Langloh Parker

Wise Women of the Dreamtime: Aboriginal Tales of the Ancestral Powers by K. Langloh Parker
Doing It Right: Making Smart, Safe, and Satisfying Choices About Sex (Paperback)

Doing It Right: Making Smart, Safe, and Satisfying Choices About Sex (Paperback)
The Goddess Black Woman : Mother of Civilization - by Akil

The Goddess Black Woman : Mother of Civilization - by Akil
The Mother of us all

The Mother of Us All : A History of Queen Nanny, Leader of the Windward Jamaican Maroons - by Karla Lewis Gottlieb
More recommended books here



Copyright © 2002 - 2009 Rootswomen.com






PostHeaderIcon The Nyahbinghi Creed

 







Negus Amlak


THEOCRACY REIGN ORDER OF THE NYAHBINGHI








Information





THEOCRACY REIGN ORDER OF THE NYAHBINGHI




TO PROVIDE INFORMATION ON THE ORDER OF NYAHBINGHI AND ALSO TO KEEP ONES UPTODATE ON THE WORKS OF THE ORDER OF THE NYAHBINGHI


Website: http://nyahbinghiancientorder@hotmail.com

Location: THEOCRACY REIGN ORDER OF THE NYAHBINGHI SCOTTS PO CLARENDON JA WI

 








THE NYAHBINGHI CREED





Princes and Princesses must trod out of Egypt,

Ithiopians now stretch forth their hands to Haile Selassie I, JAH Rastafari

O' Haile Selassie I of Ithiopia, I an'I Ivine Majesty, Thy Irits come into I to dwell in the parts of righteousness.

Lead I an'I, Help I an'I to forgive that I an'I must be forgiven

Teach I an'I love, loyalty on earth as it is in Zion

Endow I an'I with thy wise mind, knowledge and overstanding to do Thy will,

Thy blessing to I an'I O JAH. Let the hungry be fed, the naked clothed,

The sick nourished; the aged protected, and the infants cared for

Deliver I an'I from the hands of I an' I enemies that I an'I must prove fruitful in these perilous days

When Ian'I enemies are passed and decayed

In the depths of the sea, in the depths of the earth or in the belly of a beast

Give I an'I a place in thy Iverliving Kingdom

Through the Power of the Kings of Kings, Lord of Lords,

Conquering Lion of the Tribe of Judah, Elect of Himself and Light of This World,

I an'I Ivine Majesty, Emperor Haile Selassie I, JAH Rastafari

First I-ncient King of Iration

JAH art the Alpha and the Omega, the Beginning Without End, the First and Forever,

The Protectorate of all human faith and the Ruler of the Iniverse

Thou art the only High Priest of the Order of Melchisedek,

Who Liveth and Reigneth Foriver.

I an'I hail to our JAH and King Emperor Haile Selassie I, JAH Rastafari ! !!

Almighty I, JAH Rastafari, Great and Thunderable I, JAH Tafari! !





EmpressPeaches



Comment by EmpressPeaches on September 2, 2009 at 9:34pm


Aziza Walidah "Lioness ReBorn"Comment by Aziza Walidah "Lioness ReBorn" on August 10, 2009 at 1:26am
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LION AND LIONNESS ROAR IN THIS TIME
Camille Siwattu LeBlanc









 


 

PostHeaderIcon Reparations, not handouts, for Haiti

 SO we cry for Haiti again. Yet another natural disaster, this time an earthquake of horrendous magnitude, has all but flattened what was left of that 'cussed' country. In the Caribbean, so full of heart are we, even those who survive barely above the poverty line give, be it cash or clothes or food. But will our generosity, will the US$1 billion or so in help that will flow over the next year make a difference to 4.5 million of seven million people who live on less than US$1 day? 



I think not. All we can achieve is cosmetic relief of the flimsiest type: Some food and water to barely keep alive those who survived death only to end up in living hell. In the short term, the USA gives $100 million plus on-the-ground equipment and trained personnel. We applaud. The IMF matches the US and again we sing hosannas to this agency of death. As for our Prime Minister, he commits US$1 million-far, far less than it cost for the cultural show to open one of the international conferences held here last year. 'Things tight, boy!' he says.



I know, to use Bob Dylan's undying lyrics of the 1960s, my appeal will be akin to 'blowin' in the wind'. But I feel compelled to raise the real issues that bedevil Haiti. If these historical injustices are not seriously addressed, we may give a little today, more tomorrow, but Haiti will remain mired in poverty. 



Let me start from the end, in a manner of speaking-from last Tuesday evening when the monster quake struck. In the immediate aftermath news reports and reporters focused on millions of Haitians who lived in hovels on the hillsides around Port-au-Prince. Few journalists queried how those people ended up there, lambs waiting to be slaughtered following heavy rains and mudslides or an earthquake. 



Not so long ago, and this after too many years of externally-imposed impoverishment, Haitian farmers grew more than enough rice, among other crops, to feed their nation. Under the brutal, not to add thieving, hands of the US-imposed Duvalier dynasty, the IMF intervened to 'save' Haiti. This agency of destruction determined that the part-island state could better serve as a source of cheap labour for manufacturing goods to be sold on the nearby US market. 



Fair enough, any good capitalist might argue. But it was anything but fair. As a corollary to transforming the economy, the IMF dictated that growing rice and other foods that could be imported more cheaply from the US made no sense. In one blow, the IMF killed agriculture, forcing farmers to abandon rural, productive lands and seek elusive, low-paid jobs in the cities. That accounts for the huge number of hovels around the cities that crumbled when the earthquake struck. It also was partly responsible for denuding the countryside of everything green, hence exposing the soil to unimaginable erosion that sticks out like a sore thumb for those who have seen Haiti. 



But I jumped the gun. Jean-Bertrand Aristide, the leftist priest, was first elected to power by a huge majority in 1991. His platform was one of setting right the historical wrongs that had kept his country in chains even though it was the first nation of slaves to abolish slavery. He didn't last long. Papa George Bush arranged for him to be overthrown. And when later, under US supervision, he was again elected in 2001 by an overwhelming majority, Baby George W arranged to have him deposed in 2004. 



One of Aristide's cardinal crimes was to formally raise the question of reparations, in 2003, I believe. 'Reparations for what?' you may ask. Haiti is the only country in world history-and here I can hark back to Neanderthal man-that won a war but was forced to compensate the vanquished. Following the successful American war of Independence (1775-83), and later the Jacobins-inspired French Revolution (1789-99), Haitian slaves led by Toussaint L'Ouverture waged a successful campaign to oust their French masters. 



Between 1791 and 1803, Haiti's slave-army defeated what was considered the finest war machine of the era, Napoleon Bonaparte's. The 'little general' had conquered much of Europe and later set his sights on a chunk of southern US, where the French already had a foothold. But Toussaint, taking up the Jacobins cry of 'liberty, equality, fraternity', initiated a war that would apply these noble ideals to a country where slavery was most brutal. 



Napoleon sent two separate, well-equipped forces to take on the rebel slaves. Both failed. By 1803, when Dessalines declared Haiti independent, Napoleon had lost more than 24,000 troops. What followed that first victory of an enslaved people was an injustice that doomed the victors to persistent poverty. 



France demanded 90 million gold francs (more than US$20 billion in today's currency). Newly-independent US paid Britain nothing. The victorious French paid the deposed monarchy not one franc. But poor Haiti was coerced into paying the victors the sum demanded. Aristide's cardinal sin was to raise the issue of reparations-US$20 billion-in 2003. To seriously address Haiti's dire poverty, Caribbean countries must join in the call for US$20 billion in reparations, from France and from the US.



-To be continued

PostHeaderIcon Haiti: An Unwelcome Katrina Redux

 President Obama's response to the tragedy in Haiti has been robust in military deployment and puny in what the Haitians need most: food; first responders and their specialized equipment; doctors and medical facilities and equipment; and engineers, heavy equipment, and heavy movers. Sadly, President Obama is dispatching Presidents Bush and Clinton, and thousands of Marines and U.S. soldiers. By contrast, Cuba has over 400 doctors on the ground and is sending in more; Cubans, Argentinians, Icelanders, Nicaraguans, Venezuelans, and many others are already on the ground working – saving lives and treating the injured. Senegal has offered land to Haitians willing to relocate to Africa.



The United States, on the day after the tragedy struck, confirmed that an entire Marine Expeditionary Force was being considered "to help restore order," when the "disorder" had been caused by an earthquake striking Haiti; not since 1751, 1770, 1842, 1860, and 1887 had Haiti experienced an earthquake. But, I remember the bogus reports of chaos and violence that led to the deployment of military assets, including Blackwater, in New Orleans in the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina. One Katrina survivor noted that the people needed food and shelter and the US government sent men with guns. Much to my disquiet, it seems, here we go again. From the very beginning, US assistance to Haiti has looked to me more like an invasion than a humanitarian relief operation.



On Day Two of the tragedy, a C-130 plane with a military assessment team landed in Haiti, with the rest of the team expected to land soon thereafter. The stated purpose of this team was to determine what military resources were needed.



An Air Force special operations team was also expected to land to provide air traffic control. Now, the reports are that the US is not allowing assistance in; shades of Hurricane Katrina, all over again. 



On President Obama's orders military aircraft "flew over the island, mapping the destruction." So, the first US contribution to the humanitarian relief needed in Haiti were reconnaissance drones whose staffing are more accustomed to looking for hidden weapon sites and surface-to-air missile batteries than wrecked infrastructure. The scope of the US response soon became clear: aircraft carrier, Marine transport ship, four C-140 airlifts, and evacuations to Guantanamo. By the end of Day Two, according to the Washington Post report, the United States had evacuated to Guantanamo Bay about eight [8] severely injured patients, in addition to US Embassy staffers, who had been "designated as priorities by the US Ambassador and his staff."



On Day Three we learned that other US ships, including destroyers, were moving toward Haiti. 



Interestingly, the Washington Post reported that the standing task force that coordinates the US response to mass migration events from Cuba or Haiti was monitoring events, but had not yet ramped up its operations. That tidbit was interesting in and of itself, that those two countries are attended to by a standing task force, but the treatment of their nationals is vastly different, with Cubans being awarded immediate acceptance from the US government, and by contrast, internment for Haitian nationals.



US Coast Guard Rear Admiral James Watson IV reassured Americans, "Our focus right now is to prevent that, and we are going to work with the Defense Department, the State Department, FEMA and all the agencies of the federal government to minimize the risk of Haitians who want to flee their country," Watson said. "We want to provide them those relief supplies so they can live in Haiti." 



By the end of Day Four, the US reportedly had evacuated over 800 US nationals. 



For those of us who have been following events in Haiti before the tragic earthquake, it is worth noting that several items have caused deep concern: 



1. the continued exile of Haiti's democratically-elected and well-loved, yet twice-removed former priest, President Jean-Bertrand Aristide; 



2. the unexplained continued occupation of the country by United Nations troops who have killed innocent Haitians and are hardly there for "security" (I've personally seen them on the roads that only lead to Haiti's sparsely-populated areas teeming with beautiful beaches); 



3. US construction of its fifth-largest embassy in the world in Port-au-Prince, Haiti; 



4. mining and port licenses and contracts, including the privatization of Haiti's deep-water ports, because certain offshore oil and transshipment arrangements would not be possible inside the US for environmental and other considerations; and 



5. Extensive foreign NGO presence in Haiti that could be rendered unnecessary if, instead, appropriate US and other government policy allowed the Haitian people some modicum of political and economic self-determination.



Therefore, we note here the writings of Ms. Marguerite Laurent, whom I met in her capacity as attorney for ousted President of Haiti Jean-Bertrand Aristide. Ms. Laurent reminds us of Haiti's offshore oil and other mineral riches and recent revival of an old idea to use Haiti and an oil refinery to be built there as a transshipment terminal for US supertankers. Ms. Laurent, also known as Ezili Danto of the Haitian Lawyers Leadership Network (HLLN), writes:

"There is evidence that the United States found oil in Haiti decades ago and due to the geopolitical circumstances and big business interests of that era made the decision to keep Haitian oil in reserve for when Middle Eastern oil had dried up. This is detailed by Dr. Georges Michel in an article dated March 27, 2004 outlining the history of oil explorations and oil reserves in Haiti and in the research of Dr. Ginette and Daniel Mathurin.



"There is also good evidence that these very same big US oil companies and their inter-related monopolies of engineering and defense contractors made plans, decades ago, to use Haiti's deep water ports either for oil refineries or to develop oil tank farm sites or depots where crude oil could be stored and later transferred to small tankers to serve U.S. and Caribbean ports. This is detailed in a paper about the Dunn Plantation at Fort Liberte in Haiti.



"Ezili's HLLN underlines these two papers on Haiti's oil resources and the works of Dr. Ginette and Daniel Mathurin in order to provide a view one will not find in the mainstream media nor anywhere else as to the economic and strategic reasons the US has constructed its fifth largest embassy in the world – fifth only besides the US embassy in China, Iraq, Iran and Germany – in tiny Haiti, post the 2004 Haiti Bush regime change."

Unfortunately, before the tragedy struck, and despite pleading to the Administration by Haiti activists inside the United States, President Obama failed to stop the deportation of Haitians inside the United States and failed to grant TPS, temporary protected status, to Haitians inside the U.S. in peril of being deported due to visa expirations. That was corrected on Day Three of Haiti's earthquake tragedy with the January 15, 2010 announcement that Haiti would join Honduras, Nicaragua, Somalia, El Salvador, and Sudan as a country granted TPS by the Secretary of Homeland Security. 



President Obama's appointment of President Bush to the Haiti relief effort is a swift left jab to the face, in my opinion. After President Bush's performance in the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina and the fact that still today, Hurricane Katrina survivors who want to return still have not been provided a way back home, the appointment might augur well for fundraising activities, but I doubt that it bodes well for the Haitian people. After all, the coup against and the kidnapping of President Aristide occurred under the watch of a Bush Presidency. 



Finally, those with an appreciation of French literature know that among France's most beloved authors are Alexandre Dumas, son of a Haitian slave, and Victor Hugo who wrote: "Haiti est une lumiere." [Haiti is a light.] Indeed, Haiti for millions is a light: light into the methodology and evil of slavery; light into a successful slave rebellion, light into nationhood and notions of liberty, the rights of man, and of human dignity. Haiti is a light. And an example that makes the enemies of black liberation tremble. It is precisely because of Haiti's light into the evil genius of some individuals who wield power over others and man's ability, through unity and purpose, to overcome that evil, that some segments of the world have been at war with Haiti ever since 1804, the year of Haiti's creation as a Republic. 



I'm not surprised at "Reverend" Pat Robertson's racist vitriol. Robertson's comments mirror, exactly, statements made by Napoleon's Cabinet when the Haitians defeated them. But in 2010, Robertson's statements reveal much more: Haitians are not the only ones who know their importance to the struggle against hatred, imperialism, and European domination. 



This pesky, persistent, stubbornly non-Western, proudly African people of this piece of land that we call Haiti know their history and they know that they militarily defeated the ruling world empire of the day, Napoleon's France, and the global elite at that time who supported him. They know that they defeated the armies of England and Spain. 



Haitians know that they used their status as a free state to help liberate Latin Americans from Spain, by funding and fighting alongside Simon Bolivar; their example inspired their still-enslaved African brothers and sisters on the American mainland; and before Haitians were even free, they fought against the British inside the U.S. during its war of independence and won a decisive battle in Savannah, Georgia, where I have visited the statue commemorating that victory. 



Haitians know that France imposed reparations on them for being free, and Haiti paid them in full, but that President Aristide called for France to give that money back ($21 billion in 2003 dollars). 



Haitians know that their "brother," then-Secretary of State Colin Powell lied to the world upon the kidnapping and second ouster of their President. (Sadly, it wouldn't be the last time that Secretary of State Colin Powell would lie to the world.) Haitians know, all-too-well, that high-ranking blacks in the United States are capable of helping them and of betraying them. 



Haitians know, too, that the United States has installed its political proxies and even its own soldiers onto Haitian soil when the U.S. felt it was necessary. All in an effort to control the indomitable Haitian spirit that directs much-needed light to the rest of the oppressed world. 



While the tears of the people of Haiti swell in my own eyes, and I remember their tremendous capacity for love, my broken heart and wet eyes don't dampen my ability to understand the grave danger that now faces my friends in Haiti. 



I shudder to think that the "rollback" policies believed in by some foreign policy advisors to President Obama could use a prolonged U.S. military presence in Haiti as a springboard for rollback of areas in Latin America that have liberated themselves from U.S. neo-colonial domination. I would hate to think that this would even be attempted under the Presidency of Barack Obama. All of us must have our eyes wide open on Haiti and other parts of the world now dripping in blood as a result of the relentless onward march of the U.S. military machine. 



So, on this remembrance of the birth of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., I note that it was the U.S. government's own illegal Operation Lantern Spike that snuffed out the promise and light of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. Every plane of humanitarian assistance that is turned away by the U.S. military (so far from CARICOM, the Caribbean Community, Médecins Sans Frontieres, Brazil, France, Italy, and even the U.S. Red Cross) – as was done in the wake of Hurricane Katrina – and the expected arrival on this very day of up to 10,000 U.S. troops, are lasting reminders of the existential threat that now looms over the valiant, proud people and the Republic of Haiti. 



This originally appeared on Global Research.



Cynthia McKinney is a former member of Congress from Georgia.



Copyright © 2010 Cynthia McKinney, Global Research

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